Egypt's April 9 announcement of the transfer of two islands, Tiran and Sanafir, to Saudi Arabian sovereignty came as a complete surprise to many in the Middle East. The only country that was not surprised was Israel. A top-level official in Jerusalem told Al-Monitor on April 12 that Israel had been privy to the secret negotiations. Israel had given its approval to the process and did not ask to reopen the peace agreement with Egypt, even though the agreement dictates that any territorial change or transfer of Egyptian sovereignty of lands that Israel gave back to other hands constitutes a violation of the treaty.
Talks between Saudi Arabia and Egypt on the transfer of
these islands have been going on for years, with Israel firmly opposing
the move. The fact that the transfer has now earned Israeli
support reflects the depth of the shared interests between the three
sides: Cairo, Riyadh and Jerusalem — although the Egyptians and Saudis
prefer the label “Tel Aviv.”
This is a real geostrategic and diplomatic drama. Former
Shin Bet chief Knesset member Avi Dichter of the Likud Party said on
April 12 in an interview with the Israeli Kol Yisrael radio station that
this step is one of the most important, dramatic diplomatic occurrences
that have taken place between two Arab countries in the Middle East.
Israeli Defense Minister Moshe (Bogie) Ya’alon, in a small pre-Passover
celebratory toast with military reporters, updated and confirmed that
Israel had, indeed, agreed to the course of action and
had even received a written document, signed by all sides. The document
confirmed Israel’s continued freedom of navigation in the Strait of
Tiran, in which the two strategic islands are situated; the Strait of
Tiran led to the important Israeli port city of Eilat. In addition,
Ya’alon noted that the Americans had been partnered to the negotiations
and are also signatories on the agreement. Thus, Ya’alon said, Israel
had received all the requisite guarantees.
According to a senior security official, who spoke to
Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, Ya’alon emphasized to his
associates that security cooperation between Israel and Egypt had
reached an all-time high. The security systems of the two countries
share the same interests. Egyptians, for instance, help Israel contain
and cordon off Hamas in Gaza.
The recent move — the transfer of the two islands to Saudi
Arabia — reveals part of the dialogue that has been developing between
Israel and its Sunni neighbors. A highly placed Israeli security
official, who spoke to Al-Monitor anonymously, added some details:
Israel's relationships in the region are deep and important. The
moderate Arab countries have not forgotten the Ottoman period, and are
very worried about the growing strength and enlargement of the two non-Arab empires of
the past: Iran and Turkey. On this background, many regional players
realize that Israel is not the problem, but the solution. Israel's
dialogue with the large, important Sunni countries remains mainly under
the radar, but it deepens all the time and it bears fruit.
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's action has
aroused sharp public criticism in Egypt. The president’s opponents argue
that under the Egyptian Constitution he has no authority to give up
Egyptian territory, but Sisi rightly warded off this criticism: These
islands originally belonged to Saudi Arabia, which transferred them to
Egypt in 1950 as part of the effort to strangle Israel from the south,
and prevent the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from taking control of them.
Israel embarked on two wars (the Sinai War in 1956 and the Six Day War
in 1967) for navigation rights in the Red Sea. It took over these
islands twice, but then returned them to Egypt both times.
Now events
have come full circle, and the Egyptians are returning the islands to
their original owner, Saudi Arabia. This is a goodwill gesture from Sisi
to King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, after the Saudis committed
themselves to the economic solvency of the Egyptian regime for the next
five years. The Saudis are making massive investments in Egypt and
providing financial support to save the Egyptian economy from collapse.
There is another aspect to the Egyptian transfer of the
islands to Saudi Arabia: In the past, several proposals were raised
regarding regional land swaps, with the goal of resolving the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The framework is, in principle, simple:
Egypt would enlarge Gaza southward and allow the Gaza Strip’s
Palestinians more open space and breathing room. In exchange for this
territory, Egypt would receive from Israel a narrow strip the length of
the borderline between the two countries, the Israeli Negev desert
region from Egyptian Sinai. The Palestinians, in contrast, would
transfer the West Bank settlement blocs to Israel. Jordan could also
join such an initiative; it could contribute territories of its own and
receive others in exchange.
To date, this approach was categorically
disqualified by the Egyptians in the Hosni Mubarak era. Now that it
seems that territorial transfer has become a viable possibility under
the new conditions of the Middle East, the idea of
Israeli-Egyptian territorial swaps are also reopened; in the past, these
land swap possibilities fired the imaginations of many in the region.
In his day, former head of Israel's National Security Council
Maj. Gen. Giora Eiland led a regional initiative on the subject. But he
was stymied by Egypt.
Still, not everything is coming up roses. There are no
simple equations in the Middle East, and this holds true in this case.
In Israel there are those who are concerned about the growing
Saudi Arabian influence in Egypt. This is reflected in the founding of
Saudi-inspired Islamic madrassas (religious Islamic schools), and
Saudi-type Sunni radicalization in Egypt. But these pessimists are the
minority. “It is important for Sisi to strengthen and survive, he is the
key to the stability of the entire region,” said a diplomatic source in
Jerusalem who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity.
In light of America distancing itself from the region and
the cold shoulder that Egypt has received from Washington in recent
years, Saudi assistance and Israeli support to Egypt are viewed as
critical to Sisi’s continued grip on the regime. And to complicate the
situation even more, we can add the reconciliation attempts between
Israel and Turkey; these have continued for many long months in marathon
negotiations between the sides.
A highly placed Israeli official told Al-Monitor on
condition of anonymity that the Egyptians don’t want to see the Turks in
the Gaza Strip, and are strongly opposed to a rapprochement between
Jerusalem and Ankara.
This is the reason, according to the source, that
the reconciliation agreement has not yet been completed, and that there
are gaps between the sides. In the current state of affairs, it is
possible that the Turks and Israelis will accept the fact that they
can’t come to a full agreement, and will settle for a partial
rapprochement: an exchange of ambassadors, limited warming of
relations and nothing more.
Israel is sitting on the thorns of a
dilemma: between its desire to normalize relations with Turkey, which
could also facilitate the signing of an agreement to supply natural gas from
Israel to Turkey, following discoveries in recent years of natural gas
reserve off the Israeli coast; and its desire to promote the emerging
Israeli-Sunni understandings that are becoming a strategic cornerstone in Israel’s national security.
Yo, Courtney, you still doing the group blog thing here, or is this now a solo gig? Stay mellow!
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